Lickity Inc. Company analysis

Background Lickity Inc. is one of the foods producing companies in Malaysia dealing with supply of variety cakes. The company was founded in the year 1990 and operated a number of franchised stores within Kuala Lumpur. The stores were strategically located near major tourist shopping market segments in Kuala Lumpur. Lickity attracted a number of investors in the 1990s who desired to acquire franchise store with the company since the brand dominated food market (Wood et al 26).Advertising We will write a custom assessment sample on Lickity Inc. Company analysis specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More Description of the Company The company’s supply chain management ensured incorporation of limited product line for the purposes of reducing unnecessary wastes during manufacturing and marketing processes. Their product cakes were recognized for high quality ingredients sold at affordable proportions depending on consumer need. The cake s were full of cream and served all social classes and considered fit for all occasions including birthday parties. Lickity’s product portfolio comprised of twenty variety cakes including portable three-slice-cake served and eaten instantly since the pack contained required cutlery. Traditional moon cake was prepared specially for patrons who preferred enjoying in store eating within various shopping centres. The company experienced financial problems owing to increased rates in operational activities. Such expenses included rent payments across all stores as well as increase in cost of raw materials and other resources required due to high level of taxes (Wood et al 26). Lickity did not apply modernized system within their international market communication mix. They relied on traditional means of using retailers as the only means through which they reach customers. They heavily depended on distributions through franchised stores to generate revenue. Another problem was on t he composition of labour force where even students were considered for employment. Such strategy was used for the purposes of reducing cost of production. The company did not invest much in training and development of its staff and therefore experienced poor management strategies within the food and beverage market. Due to lowered costs of production and quality products, their brand was well positioned in the market attracting multitude of customers. However, the profit levels decreased since the year 2000, this was due to stagnation experienced within various segments of the supply chain (Wood et al 26).Advertising Looking for assessment on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Their products were based on unique qualities such as distinctive taste and shape of which sufficiently attracted customers. However, the stated objectives and mission statement are capable of driving any company when applied and implem ented appropriately. This should have enabled Lickity revive company’s marketing strategies based on global brand management within the segments it had experienced worst performances (Wood et al 26). Review of main ingredients should have been done on a monthly basis, the same to use of modern equipment and application of computerized technology in monitoring of supply chain. This should have been preceded by careful evaluation on market size, consumer behaviour towards food products within the different international market segments (Wood et al 26). Problem Lickity’s popularity before financial woos of 2000 was based on excellent services and prime quality products. The company benefited from market monopoly where its dominance was felt in most market segments (Wood et al). There were no competent competitors from the initial stages of operation hence Lickity enjoyed supplying customers with products at will. There was lack of properly organized sales and marketing te am with profound strategies capable of capturing significant customer base within Malaysian market. Global market had adopted the use of internet in dispatching products, most consumers found it easier to place orders via company’s websites. However, Lickity still relied on their manual system of delivery which experienced drastic fall on customers (Wood et al 26). Lickity was associated with poor management style especially on resources within supply chain stores. The results could be noticed on the drastic drop on sales over the last ten years since the year 2000. Effects of economic downturn further added to the company’s financial woo. Marketing team did not recognize the importance of company’s brand name within the market. Customers usually purchase products based on brand position within the market, brands within the food industry associated with healthy products appear more attractive to consumers since health is a priority. Lack of thorough inspection b y the management on franchises is also considered as great contributor towards Lickity’s financial problems (Wood et al 26).Advertising We will write a custom assessment sample on Lickity Inc. Company analysis specifically for you for only $16.05 $11/page Learn More At the same time adjustments on consumer tastes was not easy owing to different consumer preferences towards their health. This calls for the need for robust management team capable of making profitable adjustments within the core strategies. Inexperienced labour force is at times the mother of adversity within such companies (Pride et al). Competition was stiff within the food and beverage industry with such aggressive moves and strategies applied by competitors such as Maxims and queens. This was attributable to the nature of healthy products they offer consumers compared to Lickity. Consumers became health conscious hence preferred light low-fatty cakes as well as fruit cakes. This led to mass exodus of customers from in-store purchase of cakes. The operations from franchise stores recorded low sales leading to hefty overheads which contributed towards the company’s instability. Most consumers preferred making their purchases on-line hence worked with sophisticated companies. Reduction in the purchase of birthday party cakes was attributed to the fact that most customers organized such events in fast food restaurants. The competitors operated on strategic marketing where they target working class within the upper-market since most of them were usually loyal to the brand. Growth of other coffee-houses alongside baked products such as Starbucks uses branded products creating easy recognition and at the same time reward loyal customers (Starbucks Corporation 1). Level of hygiene matters since consumers’ value quality despite the kind of pricing mechanism used (Johlke and Dale 265-277). Problem Analysis Majority of the problems discussed could be at tributed to poor management principles and use of unqualified workforce. There was great competition from within food industry and international market. There was possibility of lack of workable strategies owing to lack of serious management team (Johlke and Dale 265-277). Lickity experienced its first financial drawback in the year 2000 leading to reduction of stock price to below $10 per share. The other problem was based on consumer health concerns; the products had high carbohydrate content considered harmful to health hence making consumers avoid Lickity cakes. Such incidences of closure affected the company’s profitability negatively (Johlke and Dale 265-277). Financial support can be obtained through varied activities including from financial institutions. There is opportunity for the company to generate more through on-premise sales. Lickity can also utilize fees and royalties from the Franchises, arguably organization of the supply chain determines to a greater exten t level of success attained by business companies (Johlke and Dale 265-277).Advertising Looking for assessment on business economics? Let's see if we can help you! Get your first paper with 15% OFF Learn More Alternative Solutions One of the possible solutions to Lickity is to consider forming partnership with other modernized company’s for the purposes of technology improvement. This should be accompanied by incorporating ways on product modification for the purposes of satisfying current consumer needs and tastes. At the same time Lickity requires recruitment of professionals with the ability of predicting and analysing market trends (Johlke and Dale 265). Use of internet in advertising should be considered by the company since majority of the clients use internet and social sites for communication based on purchases and deliveries (Johlke and Dale 265-277). There is profound need to work out on the company’s business models with change of strategy on working within recommended market segments which would enable positive experiences despite expected market uncertainties. Extensive training of marketing professionals is required especially within the international market. Diversification of product portfolio should be considered since consumers prefer to purchase from one-stop shop. Pricing techniques used by the company requires change since they deal with both domestic and international clients, such pricing as geographical pricing techniques should be used in this case. Nature of product’s quality, pricing and marketing strategies should vary depending on the demands of the market supplied with the products. Service marketing plays a vital role in making or breaking an organisation (Johlke and Dale 265-277). Excellent services tend to be remembered for all the good reasons which leave customers with a sense of delight, hence they remain loyal. On the other hand, a poor experience always leaves a bitter feeling which deters customers. Therefore satisfaction, value and quality are essential for a successful marketing service venture (Services Marketing). Works Cited Johlke, Mark Dale, Duhan. â€Å"Testing Competing Models of Sales Force Com munication.† Journal of Personal Selling Sales Management, 21 (2000): 265-277. Pride, Rundle-Thiele, Waller, Elliot Palandino, Ferrell. Marketing. Milton:John Wiley, 2007 Starbucks Corporation 2009, Company Profile: Reproduced in Business Source  Premier EBSCOhost. 18 Nov 2012. https://www.starbucks.com/ Services Marketing. 2010. Web. Wood et al. Management Problem Solving Frameworks- Tools Techniques. Sydney, McGraw-Hill, 2009. p 26. This assessment on Lickity Inc. Company analysis was written and submitted by user BenGr1mm to help you with your own studies. You are free to use it for research and reference purposes in order to write your own paper; however, you must cite it accordingly. You can donate your paper here.

Pro- Choice essays

Pro- Choice essays Over the last forty years, the question over abortion rights has been a highly debated social issue in our country. The Pro-choice movement began with a primary goal of legalizing abortion, and after this was achieved, continued to defend itself against the counter movements that rose in the late 70s. This movement enjoyed a level of successes that was not felt by other movements of the time. As highlighted in The Pro-Choice Movement: Organization and Activism in the Abortion Conflict, Suzanne Staggenborg examines the many factors contributing to the movement. While reading and researching this book and other pro-choice movement materials, some themes have arose that give insight into the successes of this movement despite its turmoiulous road. Devoted leadership, strong organizations and grass-root support, combined with motivation from the threats of the anti-abortion counter movement, enabled the pro-choice movement to remain an active force before and after legalization. The emergence of the pro-choice movement did not occur via the usual social movement roots. The early pro choice movement emerged from concerned physicians who wanted to help legalize abortions and keep the practice safe. Published articles began to appear in the 1950s and early 60s that roused public attention on the need for the abortion law reforms. Two major events were specifically covered; the case of Sherri Finkbine who had taken a drug that could cause fetal defects and attempted to get an illegal abortion, and the epidemic of rubella measles that could also cause fetal defects. This forced doctors to confront their different views over abortion. The earliest organization to develop was the Association for the Study of Abortion (ASA). Although it began small, the ASA was important in lending credibility and authority to the early years of the abortion movement. The ASA was a major player in developing other organizations for abortion ...

Telecommuting Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Telecommuting - Essay Example There are various benefits that have been attained by firms that have adopted this method as part of their human resources management strategy. While some have had success other firms have experienced a negative effect with their bid to try and adopt telecommuting policies. A recent incidence may have brought the issues that are raised by telecommuting to the fore and this was with the recently appointed chief executive (CEO) of Yahoo banning the telecommuting policy of the company. Discussions have been raised on whether this was a good move or not? What may have called for her action? How does this affect the future productivity of Yahoo as a company? There are a number of advantages that a company may stand to gain from adopting a telecommuting policy. The positives To begin with are the environmental advantages that are to be gained by this policy. The increase in the number of people who are telecommuting means that there are fewer people on the roads driving. This reduces the amount of emissions that are released into the atmosphere and that contribute to green house gases. The other advantage that is provided by telecommuting is that of a social nature and this is as concerns the family unit. Telecommuting is beneficial to parents especially mothers who are accorded the ability to juggle taking care of their young ones while still being able to attend to their office duties. This makes for a stronger family unit and also there is the provision of the needed amount of care given to the children. All this though point to the individual advantage of telecommuting. The idea though is to look at the whole picture from the perspective of the company and how beneficial or otherwise this will be to the company. Though it should be mentioned at the e arliest that there exists different schools of thought on whether telecommuting is beneficial to a company or not but the overall opinion infers to it being more of beneficial. Improving performance Various different studies have been conducted that have looked at the improvements that a firm may get from having a section of its workers telecommuting to work. Some of these studies have found that telecommuting helps boost the performance of the workers and this has been attributed to a number of factors. One of these factors is the amount of time that is saved by workers who do not have to commute to work every day. Each day there is an increasing number of hours that workers spend on the road on their way to and from work. These hours can be better spent working on their various tasks if they telecommute. This savings are also in the fact that a large percentage of the workers are now not forced to endure traffic jams that also consume a lot of the time which limits the workers pro ductivity. If this time is spent doing company related tasks and assignments they can help improve greatly on the output of the company (Johnson, 2001, 169). The other idea is in the fact that those who telecommute to work have been found to have an increased amount of productivity as compared to their colleagues who do not telecommute. One of these studies was done by Staples of which 93% of the surveyed employee agreed to the fact that telecommuting does a good job as far as improving productivity is concerned. This point was supported by over half of the decision makers in the company (Nina, 2013). This has been attributed to there being improved employee morale, lower employee absenteeism and reduced employee stress. All these factors worked to improve the performance o

Construction Economics Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Construction Economics - Research Paper Example Strategy of Barratt is to acquire land for establishing houses such as standalone and more for greater sustainability in the market (Barratt Developments PLC, 2015). In this context, the paper intends to plan for the next two years where the company needs to analyse the situation best suited. The paper will analyse whether Barratt should construct smaller houses or rely on the land bank for the future two years. Success of business depends on various aspects such as the macro and micro scenario the company is operating in. With regard to the housing industry, it can be stated that the success and efficient decision making with regard to the performance of business depends on several aspects. Building of houses depends on the potential of the market and the capabilities of the company. It is witnessed that Barratt is a large house builder having high potential in the market, as it understands the market requirements. Micro factors that lead to the success of the housing builders are the location, plans, orientation as well as building layout and size. On the other hand, the macro factors affecting the industry include the government policies, financing, labour cost and market potential. The conditions of the UK market have been identified to be unstable to a certain extent due to the rise in prices and potential political uncertainty (KnightFrank, 2015; Bunn & Rostom, 2014). Housing prices d epend on factors such as economic growth, rate of interest, employment, consumer confidence and important aspect of supply and demand. Construction of large houses depends on various facets of the economy. With regard to Barratt, if the company decides to construct new large buildings, then the opportunity cost will be considerably high. The reason being for the construction of the large building, that company has to increase their land bank and need more financial aids. Furthermore, as per the market situation, it is

Vertical and Horizontal Mergers in Apparel Industry Essay

Vertical and Horizontal Mergers in Apparel Industry - Essay Example The essay "Vertical and Horizontal Mergers in Apparel Industry" talks about the vertical and horizontal mergers in the apparel industry. A merger is a company that is formed when two or more companies come together to form a single company. These companies may be dealing with the same or different lines of products but with a common finished product.If they deal in a similar line of product, a horizontal merger is formed. If they deal in a different line of products but with a common finished product, a vertical merger is formed. In the illustrations below, the paper shall focus on vertical merger and a horizontal merger in the apparel industry. To begin with a vertical merger, an analysis of study two clothing industries shall be done. That is the VF Corporation and the Timberland Company. The VF Corporation is an American clothing industry that deals in work wear, jeanswear, underwear, and daypacks. On the other hand, the Timberland Company is equally an American retailer and whole saler of outdoors wear, but with a focus on footwear. As it can be noticed, the two companies deal with different lines of product, but with a common finished product of outdoors wear. In June 2011, the VF Corporation acquired the Timberland Company thus forming a vertical merger. The primary objective of this merger was to make the production process and the distribution process more efficient and cost effective. In the agreement, VF was confident of keeping Timberland going by adding Timberland’s strong brands to its brands.

A postcolonial critique of liberal peacekeeping theory

A postcolonial critique of liberal peacekeeping theory Northern Statism at the Margins:   A postcolonial critique of liberal peacekeeping theory. Today, ‘humanitarian intervention or so-called ‘muscular peacekeeping occurs in contexts known as ‘complex emergencies, which combine elements of civil war, state collapse, human rights violations, ‘criminality and humanitarian crisis.   Often, local agents have formed vested interests connected to external powers, which induce them to reproduce situations of emergency.   Mark Duffield aptly refers to the ‘security-development nexus, in which global assemblages of crisis management are connected to the local reproduction of crisis.   This nexus deploys peacekeeping and peacebuilding as alternatives to recognising the impact of neoliberalism and imperialism on development (****).   Duffields analysis resonates with the idea of crisis-management in the work of Gayatri Spivak (1990: 97-8), who portrays crisis as a constant situation in a postcolonial world where the North constantly wards off the traumatic effects of colonialism.   While clear fro m official documents, this status of responses to the South as crisis management is not apparent in the fantasmatic discourse of public pronouncements and media coverage.   In this context, it becomes crucial to the critique of colonial power to simultaneously see the process of crisis management and its ideological construction to repress the colonial trauma.   An examination of liberal theories of peacekeeping must show their complicity in both these processes. This paper will pursue an approach of ‘seeing together in relation to liberal theory, by reading this theory together with the intervention in Somalia.   It will thus seek to draw out the complicities between false and oppressive assumptions in theory and colonial actions (and failures) in practice.   The main purpose of this paper will be to establish that liberal and instrumentalist peacekeeping theorists share a number of colonial assumptions.   While drawing on postcolonial studies, the approach will also engage with ethnography, anarchism and cultural studies as means of providing multiple angles from which to see situations.   Multivocity is deployed to approximate a complex situation by viewing it from a number of different directions at once, each viewpoint being taken as an incomplete perspective.   Postcolonial theory will here be shadowed firstly by Richard J.F. Days anarchist critique of liberalism, to demonstrate the complicity and interchangeability of c olonial and statist standpoints.   Secondly, it will be traced through reflections on the intervention in Somalia by anthropologists and postcolonial theorists.   While recognising the danger of epistemological violence in the Northern anthropologists representation of the Other, such accounts are useful in exposing the structural gap between the theoretical framing of the situation and the situation as it appears from a more nuanced engagement.   There are doubtless also gaps between the anthropologists reconstruction and the immanent discourse of everyday life, but for the purposes of this paper it is necessary only that the anthropological account be closer to this discourse than is that of the normative theorists.   The article focuses on three related liberal theorists: Nicholas Wheeler, C.A.J. Coady and Fernando Tesà ³n.   The theorists discussed here are similar in their general frame, though varying in the degree of subtlety with which they express it.   Coady offers a more subtle theory that the other authors, but his subtlety supplements rather than overriding the performative effectivity of liberal discourse.   In this article, we treat them as part of a single discourse, and trace their colonial logic through a series of five interlinked assumptions which can be traced through all the theorists discussed. 1. Northern privilege as universalism The first problematic assumption is the view that a desituated Northern agent can assert and establish the content of a universal ethics.   Most often this is constructed in opposition to a straw-man of relativism.   It is not, however, the universalist stance which is most crucial to their colonial status.   Rather, it is the fact that they believe universally true positions can be established by reference solely to Northern experiences and values.   Their approach is thus colonial in foreclosing the need for dialogue with difference.   Northern standpoints are privileged by means of a separation between marked and unmarked terms.   The unmarked term of the civilised world becomes the exclusive referent for justifications of approaches to the ‘uncivilised other.  Ã‚   Hence, the ‘civilised world is ethically tautological: its relation to its Others is justified by its own values, which are the relevant referent because it is ‘civilised, a status it po ssesses by virtue of its values.   This reinforces the view that, despite the tenuousness of its moral realism, liberal cosmopolitanism is a paradigmatic ‘royal science, seeking to give a certain Law to its readers to provide a stable basis for moral order.   As Richard Day writes of Kymlicka, liberal theory produces ‘an utterance that does not anticipate a rejoinder (78).   The construction of monologism takes different forms in each theory.   Wheeler rests his account of the normative force of the duty to intervene on a liberal international relations (IR) perspective which is pitted mainly against the Realist view that states are incapable of normative concern.   His main concern is thus to show that normative restrictions, even if used or formulated in self-interested ways, can still be binding on states (2004: 4, 7, 24).   This sidesteps the question of how ethical positions should be reached, but has a symptomatic side-effect.   This construction of international normativity thus focuses on the emergence of normative communities among states (e.g. 2004: 23, 44).   Stateless societies can be the objects of intervention, but are excluded from the formation of the normative community which legitimates it, effectively relegated to terra nullius by the absence of a relevant international claimant not empty of people as ‘bare life, but e mpty of morally relevant agents, people who ‘matter as normative voices.   Things get no better when Wheeler briefly enters the field of discussion of how positions should be reached, rendering this process the exclusive province of the ‘values of civilized societies (2002: 303).   Hence, ‘civilised societies ask themselves if they are entitled to intervene; nobody thinks to ask the recipients.   In practice, this leads to a situation where the   UN believed that no consent was needed to intervene in Somalia due to the absence of a state able to give such consent (Wheeler 2002: 183).   Fernando Tesà ³n offers the most unreconstituted variant of the universalist global-local.   He adopts a strongly realist moral ontology in which moral truths are absolutely independent of their origins (Tesà ³n 2001:12).   Having asserted ontologically that such truths exist, he nevertheless provides no clear guide to the epistemological means by which they can be known.   But what he does not say, he shows by his performance as speaker of ethical ‘truths.   His reference is to a Northern in-group connected to the dominant fantasy frame, as for instance when he writes of ‘the shock we felt over the Srebrenica massacre (2001: 44).   The type of subject who felt shock at this juncture is of a certain type: tuned into the global media, experiencing the events of Bosnia from the outside, contained in a sphere of safety in which such events are shocking rather than horrifically quotidian and predictable.   This ‘we excludes by gradations the Srebrenica vic tims themselves, whose emotions were likely much sharper than mere shock; the solidarity activists, Muslim and secular, who would be angry but unsurprised at the Serbian atrocity and the UN betrayal; and the other recipients of intervention, the Somalis, Rwandans and so on, whose reactions remain opaque.   Like Tesà ³n, Coady is a moral realist who views ethics as a form of knowledge allowing universal claims and derived from human nature (2002: 13-14, 18).   This position is counterposed to a simplified view of relativism (2002: 14), and again, its ontological firmness is undermined by its silence on epistemology.   No method is provided for distinguishing in practice between relative and universal positions, though such judgements are most definitely made in practice (2002: 16).   Again, it seems that the universal truth is established solely by Northern agents.   One establishes truth through the ‘courts of reason, feeling, experience and conscience, which may or may not produce an obvious answer (2002: 14).   Being internal to the desituated Northern observer, these ‘courts do not require any accountability to non-Northern Others, or any kind of reflexivity.  Ã‚   A Northern subject-position is introduced performatively.   Hence for instance, reactions of Northern media viewers are deemed facts of human nature (2002: 29, 36).   Hence it is clear that, while Others are allowed to make claims in these courts, but the judge remains resolutely Northern.   In practice, such universalism, operating as a global-local, provides space for linguistic despotism.   Deleuze and Guattari have argued that the persistence of despotism after the end of absolutist states relies on the despotic functioning of transcendentalist language (Anti-Oedipus 207).   In peacekeeping discourse, this transcendentalism is expressed especially in the binary between civilised and uncivilised, which creates the conditions for sovereignty and states of exception.   One can thus think of peacekeeping violence in terms of law-founding violence, a suspension of ethics in the creation of a statist order.   Hence, Hardt and Negri are right in arguing that ‘[m]odern sovereignty†¦ does not put an end to violence and fear but rather puts an end to civil war by organizing violence and fear into a coherent and stable political order.   Peacekeeping in the dominant discourse is the violence which forms a bridge between ‘anarchy (the demonised Other) and liberal-democracy, cutting through complexity with the simplicity of brute force (Debrix 110).   The effects of this discursive asymmetry are made clear in Sherene Razacks investigation of peacekeeping violence.   Razacks book focuses on instances of torture and murder by Canadian peacekeepers in Somalia, and accounts for such violence as expressions of discourses of superiority (10).  Ã‚   Razack argues that Canadian peacekeepers in Somalia committed atrocities because of their identity as agents of a civilised nation operating in a hostile, otherworldly context.   They use such categories to construct an ‘affective space of belonging (24).   The identity of Canadian peacekeepers as citizens of a civilised nation lead to the denial of personhood to Somali Others (Razack 9).   The stance as civilised outsiders leads to violence through the operation of a binary of civilised versus savage which is inherently racialised (13).   The civilisers are counterposed to the ‘dark corners of the earth in a narrative which places Northern peacekeepers outside history (12).  Ã‚   They are assigned the task of sorting out problems of Southern others at some risk to themselves (32).   ‘History is evacuated and the simplest of stories remains: more civilized states have to keep less civilized states in line (48).   Sites such as Somalia thus become viewed as utterly hostile, sites of absolute evil in which anarchy blurs with terrain and climate (15, 84).   Since the South is constituted as an inferior category, peacekeepers enter a space where their ability to relate to others humanity is impeded (54, 155).   Such black holes, or extraordinary spaces, become sites of exception and emergency (44).   Excluded from dialogue by the myth of its absolu te evil, the Other is taken to understand little but force (38-9, 93).   Canadian peacekeepers involved in abuses were acting on a narrative bearing little resemblance to their actual situation in a largely peaceful town (73).   They in effect went looking for enemies, scheming to lure and trap Somalis who were then assumed to fit stereotypes (79-81).   The narrative of imposing order amidst chaos creates conditions in which peacekeepers initiate conflict to provide a context in which to respond overwhelmingly and brutally.   Paradoxically, peacekeepers thereby often become unable even to keep the peace between themselves and their local hosts, let alone to impose it among locals.   2.   State as necessary; social order The second problematic grouping of assumptions concern the social role of the state.   Liberal theorists view the state as identical with or essential to society, and as something without which a decent life is impossible.   This is taken as a truism.   As Richard Day argues, liberal scholars systematically ignore arguments that stateless life might be preferable to life under the state, in an intellectual doubling of the move of liberal states to ruthlessly suppress movements aspiring to stateless life.   Despite their criticisms of particular state policies, liberals consistently think about social life from the standpoint of the state.   As Day writes, liberalism identifies with the state by adopting its subject-position (79).   This fixation on the state expresses itself normatively in the attachment of overriding significance to themes of order, security and stability.   For instance, the UN resolution on Somalia called for action ‘to restore peace, stability and law and order (cited Lyons and Samatar 34).   On the other side, metonymic slippage is established between terms like statelessness, lawlessness, anarchy, chaos and barbarism.   This conceptual conflation combines into a single concept at least four distinct phenomena:   state collapse as such, the collapse of society (such as everyday meanings and relations), the existence of a situation of civil war, and the existence of a set of ‘lawless actions similar to criminality (such as murder, torture, rape, armed robbery and extortion).   This runs against the warnings of more informed empirical scholars who emphasise the need to disaggregate these phenomena (Menkhaus State Collapse 405, 407).   On an explanatory level, statist authors tend to attribute the other aspects of a complex emergency, particularly social conflict and ‘lawless actions, to the absence of a state (or of the right kind of state).   Hence, they fail to distinguish between peaceful and warring stateless societies, or between ‘lawless stateless societies and those with some degree of diffuse ‘governance.  Ã‚   A society such as Somalia is stateless, hence necessarily beset by civil war and social predation.   As a result, it is assumed that the response to problems related to civil war and ‘lawlessness must be resolved by the restoration or construction of a proper state.   An absence is taken as the explanation for various effects, with no sense of what specific forces cause these effects.   The possibility that the worst problems in complex emergencies could be mitigated instead by moving towards a more peaceful and less predatory type of statelessness a possibility at the forefront of the empirical literature on Somalia for example is simply ruled out in advance.   Also excluded from the frame is the need to establish and engage with contingent causes of intergroup conflict.   These themes can be traced through the work of the authors under discussion.   Wheeler deems ‘state breakdown and a collapse of law and order a sufficient cause for intervention (2002: 34).   In referring to situations in which ‘the target state had collapsed into lawlessness and civil strife (2002: 2), he clearly conflates statelessness, ‘lawlessness and civil war: state collapse itself means ‘lawlessness and civil strife; this is what a society becomes when a state collapses.   Furthermore, ‘lawlessness and the ‘breakdown of authority are taken to be the cause of famine in Somalia (2002: 176, 206), notwithstanding the continued absence of state authority in the famine-free years since 1994.   Wheeler also rather strangely refers to state-building as the removal of ‘the gun from political life (2002: 306).   States are not known for their lack of guns.   Writing in 2002 by which time Somalia had experienced a stateless peace for nearly a decade   Wheeler argues that ‘[d]isarming the warlords and establishing the rule of law were crucial in preventing Somalia from falling back into civil war and famine (2002: 190).   What Somalia needed, he decided, was a ‘law-governed polity (2002: 173).   To this end, he advocates ‘the imposition of an international protectorate that could provide a security framework for years, if not decades, to come (2002: 306), effectively the recolonisation of the country.   In constructing criteria for the success of an intervention, Wheelers position is again ambiguous.   His exact demand is that a successful intervention establish ‘a political order   hospitable to the protection of human rights (2002: 37).   Yet when he discusses Somalia, and faces the problem that humanitarian relief and state-building were contradictory goals, he takes a pro-statebuilding position (2002: 189-90).   This can be interpreted to mean that he assumes that only a statist order could possibly be hospitable to human rights, notwithstanding the appalling human rights record of the previous Somali state.   Yet there is no reason why local polities could not be assessed in terms of human rights (Menkhaus and Pendergast, 2).   In Tesà ³ns account, a Hobbesian position on state collapse, including the identity of state collapse, societal collapse, ‘lawlessness and civil war, is explicitly advocated.   ‘Anarchy is the complete absence of social order, which inevitably leads to a Hobbesian war of all against all (2001: 7).   People are thus prevented from conducting ‘meaningful life in common (2001: 7).   It is clear that state and society are so closely linked here as to be indistinguishable; it is left unclear if the ‘absence of social order means the absence merely of the state or of other forms of social life.   Given that contexts such as Somalia do not in fact involve the collapse of all social life, it must be assumed that the former is being inferred from the latter.   We see once more the reproduction of the conflation of statelessness with a range of problems, in apparent ignorance of the possibility of other kinds of statelessness.   The solution is taken to be pervasive imposition of liberal social forms.   Humanitarian aid simply addresses ‘the symptoms of anarchy and tyranny, whereas building ‘democratic, rights-based institutions addresses a central cause of the problem and does ‘the right thing for the society (2001: 37).   As a result, situations of anarchy necessarily lead to barbaric interpersonal behaviour which is seriously unjust, causing a ‘moral collapse of sovereignty and a loss of the right to self-government (2001: 2-3).   The difference between statist societies and stateless societies is not, he tersely declares, a matter of legitimate dispute.   The difference is a matter of what all ‘reasonable views will accept and what they will not (2001: 13-14).   This boundary reproduces the tautological ethical stance of the Northern agent.   While emotively related to the extreme effects of civil war and predatory violence, this position in effect declares any stateless society to be beyond the pale regardless of whether it displays these characteristics.   The gesture of Schmittian sovereignty, deciding on the exclusion of those deemed unreasonable, is particularly dangerous given that intervention happens in contexts where the majority of local agents show such characteristi cs.   Peacekeepers primed to enter situations deemed uncondonable are doomed to violent contact with local agents (including ‘victims who do condone them, because their very frame is constructed to exclude engagement.   Again in Coadys work, the assumption that states exist for benevolent purposes is prominent.   States are viewed as responsible for the protection of citizens (2002: 11-12).   Intervention can legitimately be aimed at ‘failed or profoundly unstable states (2002: 21), and has the goals of ‘ensuring political stability and enduring safety (2002: 30), liberal code for state-building.   It is not unusual in peacekeeping theory to find a distinction drawn between ordinary human rights (identified with concrete violations) and extraordinary human rights (identified with the collapse of legitimate state power), a binary which ethically voids the very concept of rights by identifying its actualisation with a particular social order.   In other varieties, one finds it in distinctions between truly shocking and merely wrong forms of violation, between ‘extremely barbarous and mundane abuses, or between law and order as a primary goal of intervention and human security as a secondary luxury (see Coady 2002: 16, 28, Tesà ³n 2001: 37, Walzer Just and Unjust Wars 108, Lund 2003: 28-9, 47-8, Paris 2004: 47-8).   This serves to put the denial of rights, or of the state, in the South (or rather, its crisis-points) in an incommensurable category distinct from human rights abuses in and by the North (and its Southern allies).   With human rights deemed impossible in a stateless society, rights-violation is excused as ‘law-creating violence, the creation of an order where rights become possible, but which does not require prefigurative recognition of rights in the present, a position not dissimilar to the telos of socialism in Stalinist ideology.   The declaration of justice and rights as the purpose of the state sits uncomfortably with the kind of state likely to result in practice from statebuilding in contexts such as Somalia.   Clearly, Tesà ³n has transmuted his normative position on what states should do into an essentialist position on what states are, which leaves him with a project of building a state per se, without regard for whether the project or the resultant state serves the ascribed goals.  Ã‚   In the meantime, the patently obvious existence of customary rights in societies such as Somalia is conveniently ignored.   Presumably, as rights of the ‘uncivilised, these rights do not count as fully ‘human.   In practice, the effects of such a statist frame are to disengage peacekeepers from populations they are supposed to be rescuing, constructing them as epistemologically-privileged bearers of a project of social reconstruction which is in the interests, regardless of the wishes, of the locals.   This framework produces a paradigmatically colonial arrogance.   Peacekeepers misperceived unfamiliar institutions as an absence of institutions, leading to racist effects.   Empirical scholars have approached Somalia with a frame distorted by such statism, as when Lyons and Samatar portray the country as a ‘Hobbesian world without law or institutions, divided between ‘the most vulnerable and ‘the most vicious (Lyons and Samatar 7; c.f. Makinda ****).   In practice, the Somali intervention was framed by Northern insecurities about ‘disorder in the context of global neoliberalism.   According to one cultural analyst, the intervention was an attempt to suture th e field of global disorder, acting out a predetermined script in an attempt to create an appearance of fixed order, namely, neoliberalism as the end of history (Debrix 97-9).   This suture is necessary because of the gap separating neoliberal ideology from the actuality of global disorder (107).   It was to fail because an excess of uncontrollable images arising from local difference began to disempower the global order (Debrix 126).   In Somalia, peacekeepers found themselves in a society with very different assumptions about state power. According to Menkhaus, ‘there is perhaps no other issue on which the worldviews of external and internal actors are more divergent than their radically different understanding of the state (Menkhaus State Collapse 409).   ‘For many Somalis, the state is an instrument of accumulation and domination, enriching and empowering those who control it and exploiting and harassing the rest of the population (Menkhaus Governance 87).  Ã‚   Hence, statebuilding was misconceived as necessary for peacebuilding in a setting where it was virtually impossible.   Menkhaus and Pendergast argue that the ‘radical localization of politics in Somalia is often misunderstood as disorder and crisis, when in fact it is part of the functioning of local social life.  Ã‚   ‘The challenge to the international community is to attempt to work with this â€Å"stateless† pol itical reality in Somalia rather than against it.   It is a myth to see the intervention as rebuilding a state, since an effective state has never existed in Somalia (Menkhaus State Collapse 412).   Somalia has historically been resistant to the implantation of the state-form, and previous colonial and neo-colonial states, arising mainly as channels for global patronage flows, were caught between the extractive and despotic use of concentrated power by the clan which dominated the state and moves to balance against this excessive power by other clans.   Even such an artificial state has been made impossible by changing conditions (Menkhaus and Pendergast 2-3).   Attempts to rebuild a centralised state have exacerbated conflict between clan militias, which compete for the ‘potential spoils of such a state (Menkhaus and Pendergast 13).   With the capital viewed as the site or ‘house of state power, the battle for the state encouraged clan conflicts for control of the capital (Jan 2001: 81; )    Where state-building has occurred in postwar Somalia, it has been similarly marked by strong extractive and divisive tendencies (Lewis 81-3).   Hence, to favour stateb uilding in Somalia is to contribute to exacerbating conflict by taking stances between diffuse forces which favour some and disempower others.   In seeking local collaborators in building the state, the UN ended up favouring some clan militias against others (Rutherford 16, 23, 40-1).   On the other hand, empirical evidence does not confirm the view that peace required a strong state.   Statelessness as such did not cause civil war or social problems.   Until the 1980s, Somalia was extremely safe, despite or because of its weak state; the source of security was communal, not juridical (Menkhaus State Collapse 412).   Similarly, Somalia rapidly returned to peace after the UN departure, with conflict infrequent between 1995 and 2006 (Menkhaus Governance 87-8).   In part, this was due to the declining local influence of warlords inside their own clans.   Ameen Jan analyses the post-UN scenario as a revival of processes frozen by the intervention, which were already moving national power towards clans and clan power towards civilians (2001: 53-5).   Another apparent anomaly is that the de facto independent northwestern region of Somaliland successfully constructed peace and local political institutions with meagre resources, at the same time that expensive U N peace conferences were failing (Lewis ix-x).   This process succeeded because it arose from the grassroots and started with reconciliation on issues of contention, many of which were social issues such as buying off militia members and resolving land disputes (Lewis 91, 94-5; Menkhaus, Governance 91).   Hence, the causes of the civil war in parts of Somalia were contingent products of circumstances which are unlikely to recur (Menkhaus and Pendergast 7, 15).   Having started from the wrong premises, it is no surprise that the wrong conclusions were reached.   Successful peacebuilding in Somalia would involve a transition from a violent diffuse acephalous society to a peaceful diffuse acephalous society, whereas the colonial assumptions of peacekeepers instead sought to override the entire structure of Somali society as a means to construct their preferred form of order.   In practice, this obsession with order and interpellation of otherness as disorder expresses itself in reliance on hard power.   The UN and US sought to rely on technical and military power as a substitute for engagement in the context (Debrix 115, Wheeler 2002: 181, 205).   This tends to reproduce the very context posited by the Northern discourse.   Pieterse has argued that the emphasis on hard power in interventions reinforces or even creates rigid ethnic categories and authoritarian institutions, hence creating the conditions for humanitarian crisis. The emphasis on hard power stemming from the problematic of sovereignty effectively rendered peacebuilding impossible.   While local clan reconciliation conferences were more effective in practice, the UN approach focused on militia leaders, a process which tended to entrench their power and disaggregate them from their support-base (Jan 2001: 63).   This misrepresented their power through the frame of sovereignty.   Clan militias, like Clastrean chiefs, did not hold stable power.   They were speculative and temporary, and subject to rapid decomposition (Lewis 80, Menkhaus and Pendergast 4-5).   Lewis views the Somali militias as clan militias involved mainly in territorial conflicts (Lewis 75).   Far from dominating the context, militias depended on soft power within clans to a great degree, and were unable even to implement accords among themselves due to their limited influence over their clans (Menkhaus and Pendergast 4-5).   Clastres theory of warfare in indigenous societies, the source of the Deleuzian theory of war-machines, emphasises the role of intergroup alliances and balancing as quasi-intentional means of warding off concentrated power and transcendentalism. Intergroup feuding expresses ‘the will of each community to assert its difference,‘[t]o assure the permanence of the dispersion, the parcelling, the atomization of the groups.   Such a situation of centrifugal forces is indeed typical of the kind of conflict settings which peacekeeping interventions target.   Somalis are predominantly nomads, and form the archetypal nomadic war-machines carrying out the diffusion of social power.   The frame applied from the North is, however, rather dangerous: the logic of the war-machine is misunderstood as a primal Hobbesian violence.   This sets peacekeepers up for colonial warfare.   The terminal crisis of the UN intervention arose from the redefinition of one of the two major allia nces of clan militias as an enemy.   Focused unduly on the person of General Aidid, the escalation arose following an attack on UN troops which was interpreted as a violation of transcendental sovereignty, an attack on protected bodies of exceptional value.   In the local frame, however, it was reconfigured as horizontal warfare rather than vertical enforcement, and the UN became seen as the ‘sixteenth Somali faction (Jan 2001: 72).   Hence, it seems that an incapacity to think outside a narrowly statist frame was the source both of a violently colonial intervention, and of the constitutive unrealisability of the goals of the intervention.   It would seem that statism and colonialism intersect, with certain Southern societies judged as inferior for their lack of state forms.   This expresses the promotion of the Northern state, in spite of its increasing authoritarianism and colonial legacy, as an unmarked term to which the world should aspire.   Although it is outside the scope of this paper, it is also apparent that Southern states are typically pathologised as the wrong ‘type of state too corrupt, too contaminated by the dirty world of social life, insufficiently able to mobilise uncontested concentrated power or authority.   It is possible that the club of ‘real democracies, or ‘successful states, is actually a repetition of Fanons club of the civilised, held up as a goal for those w ho are constitutively excluded from it.   3.   Victims The third set of assumptions of such theories are concentrated in the figure of the victim.   The victim is a contradictory figure, for, while she is the quasi-absolute ethical referent of peacekeeping theory, the figure on whose behalf other ethical principles may be suspended, whose call is the source of an imp

Slavery as an Attack on Domestic Life in Uncle Toms Cabin by Harriet B

Slavery as an Attack on Domestic Life in Uncle Tom's Cabin      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Compromise of 1850 included The Fugitive Slave Law, a law forcing non-slave owners in the free Northern states to return escaped slaves to their Southern masters and participate in a system they did not believe in. Jehlen notes the reaction to this cruel governmental act by stating that "[t]he nation's growing guilt and apprehension is tangible in the overwhelming response to Uncle Tom's Cabin" (386). It seems hard to believe that people could find no wrong in making it a law to return humans as if they were property. In fact, Stowe wrote her most famous work, Uncle Tom's Cabin, at a most opportune time; indeed, she wrote it in response to the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law.  Ã‚  Ã‚      Knowing her audience would be primarily white women, Stowe played on their feelings of uneasiness and guilt over the treatment of slaves, especially those of the Northern white women who could help with the Abolitionist movement, by introducing her readers to seemingly real characters suffering from the injustice of slavery. This can be seen even in the style in which Uncle Tom's Cabin was written; Stowe directly addresses her readers, forcing them to consider slavery from the point of view of the enslaved. "Expressive of and responsible for the values of its time, it also belongs to a genre, the sentimental novel, whose chief characteristic is that it is written by, for, and about women" (Tompkins 124-25).   Uncle Tom's Cabin is a sentimental novel; it was meant to appeal   to the unsettled emotions that existed in the reader's mind, creating and sense of   guilt and injustice, making them see how slavery destroys human lives and families. Through the introduction of ... ... of California P, 1990.   39-60.   Brown, Gillian. "Getting in the Kitchen with Dinah: Domestic Politics in Uncle Tom's Cabin." American Quarterly 36 (Fall 1984):   503-523.   Davidson, Kathy N. "Preface: No more separate spheres!" American Literature 70   (September 1998):   443-454.   Jehlen, Myra. "The Family Militant: Domesticity Versus Politics in Uncle Tom's Cabin." Criticism 31 (Fall 1989):   383-400.   MacKethan, Lucinda H. "Domesticity in Dixie: The Plantation Novel and Uncle Tom's Cabin." Haunted Bodies: Gender and Southern Texts. Ed. Anne Goodwyn Jones and Susan V. Donaldson. Charlottesville: UP of Virginia, 1997.   223-239.   Stowe, Harriet Beecher. Uncle Tom's Cabin or, Life Among the Lowly. New York: Penguin Books, 1981.   Tompkins, Jane. Sensational Designs: The Cultural Work of American Fiction, 1790-1860. New York: Oxford UP, 1985.   Slavery as an Attack on Domestic Life in Uncle Tom's Cabin by Harriet B Slavery as an Attack on Domestic Life in Uncle Tom's Cabin      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Compromise of 1850 included The Fugitive Slave Law, a law forcing non-slave owners in the free Northern states to return escaped slaves to their Southern masters and participate in a system they did not believe in. Jehlen notes the reaction to this cruel governmental act by stating that "[t]he nation's growing guilt and apprehension is tangible in the overwhelming response to Uncle Tom's Cabin" (386). It seems hard to believe that people could find no wrong in making it a law to return humans as if they were property. In fact, Stowe wrote her most famous work, Uncle Tom's Cabin, at a most opportune time; indeed, she wrote it in response to the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law.  Ã‚  Ã‚      Knowing her audience would be primarily white women, Stowe played on their feelings of uneasiness and guilt over the treatment of slaves, especially those of the Northern white women who could help with the Abolitionist movement, by introducing her readers to seemingly real characters suffering from the injustice of slavery. This can be seen even in the style in which Uncle Tom's Cabin was written; Stowe directly addresses her readers, forcing them to consider slavery from the point of view of the enslaved. "Expressive of and responsible for the values of its time, it also belongs to a genre, the sentimental novel, whose chief characteristic is that it is written by, for, and about women" (Tompkins 124-25).   Uncle Tom's Cabin is a sentimental novel; it was meant to appeal   to the unsettled emotions that existed in the reader's mind, creating and sense of   guilt and injustice, making them see how slavery destroys human lives and families. Through the introduction of ... ... of California P, 1990.   39-60.   Brown, Gillian. "Getting in the Kitchen with Dinah: Domestic Politics in Uncle Tom's Cabin." American Quarterly 36 (Fall 1984):   503-523.   Davidson, Kathy N. "Preface: No more separate spheres!" American Literature 70   (September 1998):   443-454.   Jehlen, Myra. "The Family Militant: Domesticity Versus Politics in Uncle Tom's Cabin." Criticism 31 (Fall 1989):   383-400.   MacKethan, Lucinda H. "Domesticity in Dixie: The Plantation Novel and Uncle Tom's Cabin." Haunted Bodies: Gender and Southern Texts. Ed. Anne Goodwyn Jones and Susan V. Donaldson. Charlottesville: UP of Virginia, 1997.   223-239.   Stowe, Harriet Beecher. Uncle Tom's Cabin or, Life Among the Lowly. New York: Penguin Books, 1981.   Tompkins, Jane. Sensational Designs: The Cultural Work of American Fiction, 1790-1860. New York: Oxford UP, 1985.  

Macroeconomic Analysis Essay

Introduction The idea Edgar has for opening up four new gas stations is based on a well based argument making it viable as a profitable business venture. The evaluation on the American consumer to accept the high price for gas oil prices forms the first approach towards establishing a business. Gasoil businesses in the world run as cartel where it supply and prices are determined by the few stakeholders in the industry. The stakeholders form an agreement among their competitors on the price, making and, marketing of the product (Fredy, 2010). The cartel though the production affects the GDP growth rate. Gross domestic product represents the monetary value of the goods produced in the country within a year. The enterprise runs as an oligopoly. An oligopoly represents a business type where there are few sellers in the market. The few sellers are due to the restriction imposed on entry to a monopoly. The production rights are restricted by the producer and the producer also controls the prices of the commodity (Brake, 2011). Unemployment will be apparent as the restriction holds down people with the relevant skills to join in the trade. Price control is done through price fixing and determining the market share. The market shares will go a long way to influencing international trade. International trade represents trade past the nation boundaries (Derik, 2010) . The main purpose of a cartel is profit increment to the individual by reducing competition. Edgar by starting up the gas oil business will gain profit margin from the monopoly. The government is also be involved in the control of the production rights of such a cartel. It is through fiscal policies that the government will regulate such ventures with an aim to protect the public from exploitation. Fiscal policies tools are the government imposition on tax and revenue collections (Tayor, 2007). The focus on the convenience good and assumption  it will make a profit in the society is the reason Edgar insists on the production. Convenience goods are those that are distributed widely and are inexpensive and the gas oil forms one of them (Fredy, 2010). Macroeconomic covers the demographic aspect, as these goods are made available to the population. Demography represents human residents statically (Henry, 2008). Startup capital is a needed by Edgar as he plans to buy the four gas oil station. The fund borrowed from a financial institution will be affected by the interest rate and the financial policies. The monetary policy is a tool used to control the supply of money in the society through affecting the interest rate in the society (Tayor, 2007).The estimates of sales to increase in china and India represents the trade cycles. Business cycles are periodic change in the production and affect the Gross Domestic Product of a country. They cause the GDP to fluctuate and thus an expansion and contraction of the level of economic activities in the country (Tayor, 2007). The business sets itself on time of favorable economic benefits as the bank rates are favoring a business positively. Edgar requires a large capital base to start a business and borrowing from a business organization is paramount. Interest is payable on the loan capital that is taking from such institutions. With a low lending rate, the business organizations enable economic growth as a society can borrow a large sum of money for the investment project. Investment improves the living standard of the society as they earn a profit from the investments. The advice to Edgar is to take up the positive strengthening economy and invest during the low lending rate (Sydney, 2010). Demand is as the amount of a commodity that consumers are willing and can purchase at any given price over a given time (Tayor, 2007). The law states that, at low prices, the need is high. The firm being an oligopoly has rigidity in its price of the gas oil. Rigidity represents stickiness in the prices that does not change regularly. Edgar will enjoy the high prices of the oligopoly market as the American consumer has accepted the prices. The high prices are as due to the kinked demand curve as oligopoly market has two demand curves. A highly elastic demand curve on the price increase and a highly inelastic in the price decrease (Tayor, 2007). DdMC PricedKINK P1EP X Ddy Q1D QuantityQMR The elastic part of the curve is the dd curve thus an increase in price will lead to a rise in demand for the gas oil. A similar case to the market, if China and India increase their market the prices will also increase. A profit in the oil industry enjoys in the point where MR marginal revenue curve cuts the MC marginal cost curve. At this point, marginal revenue is equates the marginal cost and the profit is at maximum (Tayor, 2007). The supply also affects the oil industry, and it is the amount a producer is willing and can sell at a given price in a given time (Derik, 2010). In the supply of the gas oil collusion remains evident to increase market share. Competitors are on the evaluation as they affect the price and profits in the other firm. If one firm drops price the other firm is forced to drop its prices to in order to increase profit. The firms in the oligopoly structures have adopted non-price completion eliminating the pricing war among them. It has enabled international trading as they enjoy the collusion and similar prices and the control from one area. The interest rates within the country will also affect the enterprise. With business policies controlling the levels of interest rate in the area, the business is at a position to borrow funds for expansion with low interest rates on the returns. The central’s bank adversely controls the monitory policy by regulating the lending rates. The government through the fiscal policies regulation protects the survival of the oligopoly. The oligopoly market maintains barrier to entry through the production of large scale adversely improving the Gross Domestic Product within the country as the quantity of well produced increases. Recommendations and Economic Justification The GDP is one of the major issues in macroeconomic through the collusion of  demand and supply in the country the GDP is maintained as the business operates in its equilibrium point (Brake, 2011). Unemployment forms a major challenge but with a low interest rate from the financial sector business can operate and start up in the country. The case example is Edgar if he opens the four stations employment will increase. Demographics is affecting by supply and demand as they affect the chances of improving the living standards of the population. The salaries from the oil industry will maintain the demand and supply of the oil. The interest rate in the country determines monetary policy. Edgar before starting a business should consider this during the start up to maintain profits as he aims to supply the gas oil. Reference Brake, R. (2011). World Monopolies. Summertime Publishers. Derik, K. (2010). International Trading. Kansas Publisher. Fredy, T. (2010). World Businesses. Milestone Publishers. Henry, J. (2008). World Demography. Wimtertime Publishers. Sydney, G. (2010). Money and Banking. Westminister Publishers. Tayor, W. (2007). Introduction to Economics. Riverside Publishers.

5 Compromise essays

The 3/5 Compromise essays The first real battle of the Civil War occurred before the American Revolution. This battle wasnt fought like most other battles; instead of generals trying to outdo the other with weapons, politicians tried to outdo the other with their words. The 3/5s Compromise is said to have started the North verses South conflict. The simple though complex question that was brought up was should slaves be counted in census to determine the number of congressional delegates a state was to receive? This divided the nation because the North had little slaves, but the South had more slaves than they did salve owners. The North didnt want slaves to be counted because counting slaves would give the South an unfair advantage. The South felt as though the North was trying to make the House of Representatives biased so that the South wouldnt get what they wanted. The 3/5s Compromise called for exactly 60% of the salves in a state to be counted when determining the number of congressional delegat es a state should receive. This perhaps left both sides hungry for more, which started the nation in the direction of a civil war. The after-effects of the 3/5s compromise also helped send the nation on a one-way road headed for one place...civil war. This road so to speak is that the South forced the government to revoke Congress right to regulate slave trade. The South wanted to be able to trade for slaves as much as possible because the more they trade the higher the population, the higher the population the more delegates a state would have in the House of Representatives. The North disagreed for the same reason the south agreed; they felt that Congress would give the South too much power. Eventually Congress ended up ruling that they couldnt regulate slave trade for another twenty years. This made the South more content but angered the North. Already one can see the emerging conflicts betwee...

How and with what success did Russia industrialise in the la essays

How and with what success did Russia industrialise in the la essays During the late nineteenth century the Russian government undertook a policy of rapid industrialisation which, due to a combination of factors, drove the desire to industrialise Russia for the principle aim of keeping the facade of her militaristic strength and power status. It was evident to Alexander III that Russias defeat in the Crimean War highlighted its backwardness compared to other great European nations such as France and Britain, and revealed a need to modernise and industrialise. It forced the government to recognise the vital relationship between industrial strength and military power. This became further apparent after the use of railways and modern weaponry in the German Unification wars during the late nineteenth century; and diplomatic defeat in the Congress of Berlin in 1878 by other European powers. In addition, Russia had not undergone an industrial revolution which would transform its military capacity not simply through increased productivity but through the gather pace of technological development spawned by the industrial revolution whereas its rivals, namely Germany and Britain, already had. In economic terms the government saw a number of ways in which industrialisation was necessary. They found a need to develop their own resources instead of relying on foreign imports, saw how agricultural depression illustrated the need for alternative sources of income, and railways were seen to be a high priority as they were vital to organise resources. Overall the government saw that an economic advance would lead to increased wealth, and thus greater potential government revenue. The need for industrialisation was clearly vital for the Russian government; however it did face certain practical difficulties and problems which hindered the acceleration of industrial development. There was an inefficient domestic agricultural system which, coupled with the depression in agri...

Precis Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Precis - Assignment Example There as well is the need to describe women not in relation to what they are directly contributing to the global economy but also in other noncompetitive facets of social life. There is need to empower not only the women but the marginalized as well as have them participate in political social and economic spheres for sustainable acceleration of social and economic development (Griffin, 102).Exposing women and the poor to opportunities such as affordable funds and having policies that intervenes on their behalf not only liberalizes them but as well offers them a competitive edge and a level entrance in the global market. However gender inequality should not only lean towards the women but toward any gender group that is disadvantaged (Griffin, 99). Socializing and exposing in equal gender either male or female to the competitive economy would give them a better chance in the global political economy. Giving priority to women and less privileged and having strategies of empowering the group by the policy makers would yield tangible and measurable results in the global economy development as they play a great role. For the global economy to grow drastically the issue of gender inequality must be eradicated completely in our

Marketing analyses for the Arab National Bank Essay

Marketing analyses for the Arab National Bank - Essay Example accepting banking services. The bank as its programs tailored to fit into Sheria the Muslim teaching. It is the reason that the company targets high income earners and business Saudis because they have changed to banking system service. There are no barriers for the company to expand its services to other ranches in the country. The strategic direction of the bank projects opening up of more branches and targeting female high income. There are many options available for the company such as partnering with other The bargaining power of the suppliers is high, the customers who deposit money, mortgage, loans, the interest rates. The bank suppliers of the money demand high level of accountability and interest rates. The buyers in this case the loan seekers, mortgage and other withdrawal services. The debit and credit card users demand high level of security for the cards they use. Availability and reliability of the services is critical for the buyers. in card payment transactions and it has a value share of 60%. It means there are other top banks in Saudi that offers better services. Charge card transaction competitive position is at number 4,with 5.4% value share, the debit transactions has a value share of 7.3% and it is also ranked 4 and the credit card transactions has 5.6% value share where it is ranked 7th. The bank has put in place plans to target female consumers but starting only women branches that targets high income women. The cards that the bank offers has a wide range of services that meet the customer needs. The company is also venturing into technology by having touch screen where it offers credit to customers to purchase the devices. The bank has a range of prices and interests that are decided by the Central Bank. The bank also strategized on bringing services closer to the customers through establishment of more branches in remote areas. The bank is committed in implementing a well-structured contingency plan to counter the